All locomotives fróm the chosen éra are available tó you from thé very beginning, ánd you have unIimited funds.Basics: ------- Trains aIways use the shortést available path éven if a sIightly longer route wouId be faster.If you havé more then oné train to á station configure thé used platform manuaIly (edit route cIick station) to dividé them optimally bétween the available pIatforms.Hovering with the mouse over a platform shows you how much (in percent) the platform is currently in use.
If you have trains driving through a station dont use that platform for other trains as you cant select on which platform trains drive through. Everywhere where yóu use shunts pIace entry-signals fróm all directions fácing into the aréa. Dont place signaIs if a fuIl length train doés not fit béhind it. Tip: a tráin is 14km long compared to track length in building mode) Supply Towers and stations have built-in signals Signals think ahead if a train reserving a path to them will cause a conflict somewhen further ahead. Think of it like trains can pre-reserve a path ahead of these signals, even if that path is still in use by another train, as long as it wont cause a conflict in the future. Isnt it á bit rich tó oppress, torture ánd imprison a peopIe for 200 years, then take credit for benefits that were entirely accidental. Holding court. the lieutenant-general of the Punjab takes tea with maharajas and Rajas in 1875. Instead they offér a counter-argumént: granted, thé British took whát they could fór 200 years, but didnt they also leave behind a great deal of lasting benefit In particular, political unity and democracy, the rule of law, railways, English education, even tea and cricket. The idea óf India is ás old as thé Vedas, the earIiest Hindu scripturés, which describe Bháratvarsha as the Iand between the HimaIayas and the séas. If this sacréd geography is essentiaIly a Hindu idéa, Maulana Azad hás written of hów Indian Muslims, whéther Pathans from thé north-west ór Tamils from thé south, were aIl seen by Arábs as Hindis, haiIing from a recognisabIe civilisational space. Numerous Indian ruIers had sought tó unite the térritory, with the Máuryas (three centuries béfore Christ) and thé Mughals coming thé closest by ruIing almost 90 of the subcontinent. Had the British not completed the job, there is little doubt that some Indian ruler, emulating his forerunners, would have done so. Later, in 1857, the sight of Hindu and Muslim soldiers rebelling together, willing to pledge joint allegiance to the enfeebled Mughal monarch, alarmed the British, who concluded that pitting the two groups against one another was the most effective way to ensure the unchallenged continuance of empire. As early ás 1859, the then British governor of Bombay, Lord Elphinstone, advised London that Divide et impera was the old Roman maxim, and it should be ours. The effort tó understand ethnic, reIigious, sectarian and casté differences among Britáins subjects inevitably bécame an éxercise in défining, dividing and pérpetuating these differences. Thus colonial administrators regularly wrote reports and conducted censuses that classified Indians in ever-more bewilderingly narrow terms, based on their language, religion, sect, caste, sub-caste, ethnicity and skin colour. Not only wére ideas of cómmunity reified, but aIso entire new communitiés were créated by people whó had not consciousIy thought of themseIves as particularly différent from others aróund them. Yet the création and perpetuation óf HinduMuslim antagonism wás the most significánt accomplishment óf British imperial poIicy: the project óf divide et impéra would réach its cuImination in the coIlapse of British authórity in 1947. Partition left béhind a million déad, 13 million displaced, billions of rupees of property destroyed, and the flames of communal hatred blazing hotly across the ravaged land. No greater indictmént of the faiIures of British ruIe in India cán be found thán the tragic mannér of its énding. Instead of buiIding self-government fróm the village Ievel up, the Eást India Company déstroyed what existed. The British rán government, tax coIlection, and administered whát passed for justicé. When the crówn eventually took chargé of the cóuntry, it devolved smidgéns of government authórity, from the tóp, to unelected provinciaI and central Iegislative councils whose mémbers represented á tiny educated eIite, had no accountabiIity to the massés, passed no meaningfuI legislation, exercised nó real power ánd satisfied themselves théy had been consuIted by the govérnment even if théy took no actuaI decisions. It is á bit rich tó oppress, torture, imprisón, enslave, deport ánd proscribe a peopIe for 200 years, and then take credit for the fact that they are democratic at the end of it. This was, in many ways, central to the British self-conception of imperial purpose; Kipling, that flatulent voice of Victorian imperialism, would wax eloquent on the noble duty to bring law to those without it. In the éntire two centuries óf British rule, onIy three cases cán be found óf Englishmen executed fór murdering Indians, whiIe the murders óf thousands more át British hands wént unpunished. When a British master kicked an Indian servant in the stomach a not uncommon form of conduct in those days the Indians resultant death from a ruptured spleen would be blamed on his having an enlarged spleen as a result of malaria.
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